Certainly the Pequistes have bared the weakness of their position. The secession legislation unveiled this week is almost comically duplicitous, giving federalists ample room to undermine its legitimacy. For now, it is enough to boycott the pre-referendum hearings, with which Premier Jacques Parizeau hopes to gull Quebeckers into saying what kind of country they want before they have yet said they even want one: an old salesman's trick.

We should beware of counting too heavily on this strategy, however. First, because we wish to use a referendum win to our own advantage, and would not want to taint our own victory. Second, because to put too much weight on the flaws in the process is to accept its underlying premise: that Quebeckers may vote, on their own, to break up the federation. We are indeed committing something of a fraud on Quebeckers by participating. While a No to secession would obviously be accepted by the rest of Canada, it is inconceivable that we would take a simple Yes vote as the cue to tear up five centuries of history.

The one intervention that could jeopardize this position is from those who insist Canada must offer Quebeckers some sort of third option, between separation and the dreaded "status quo." If Mr. Parizeau has done his best to muddy the waters, even to the point of suggesting that a Yes could be a vote for renewed federalism, these useful idiots are doing as much from the opposite shore. Foremost among them are the premiers, who are gearing up to do what they always do in any crisis over Quebec: lunge for power. According to one news report, New Brunswick's Frank McKenna thinks the premiers can send "an important message to Quebeckers: that all provinces, not just their own, are in favour of decentralizing power in Canada."

This would in fact send three messages. One, that Canada as it is cannot be defended. Two, that "a knife to the throat" brings results. And three, that the federation can be made acceptable to Quebeckers only by ridding it of the sole justification for its existence, a federal government that can do things the provinces can't - like riding herd on the provinces. In short, it is to argue against separatism by accepting all of its assumptions, thereby ensuring that even if we win we lose.

So far as we give any credibility to the exercise, then, it should be to force the issue: separation or the status quo. Should the sovereigntists pull ahead in the polls, that is the time to renew the strategy of delegitimization. The wording of the question, the size of the majority, these and more would be grounds for challenging the vote, or indeed for a counter-referendum, to say nothing of the opportunities for creative stonewalling afterward. We are likely to win the referendum, but the federation could as easily withstand a defeat.

This will strike some as undemocratic. But merely to express a desire, however democratically, does not grant title to its fulfilment. If 90 per cent of the people of the state of Maine voted to annex the Beauce, it would be democratic, but it would still be out of the question. Suppose Alberta had held a referendum on the National Energy Program - one of the few genuine examples of "domineering federalism." It would not have given Albertans the right to defy federal law. Or to skate even closer to the crease: Suppose a native band were to vote to secede from Canada, or indeed Quebec. Would they have the right? No: The PQ bill says so explicitly.

Those too squeamish to contemplate applying this equally to Quebec are not really being honest with themselves. Practically speaking, they will say, we would have to let them go. Very well: On any terms? If they wanted to take the National Gallery with them? If not, then the conclusion is inescapable: On some terms, you wouldn't let them go. All that remains is to decide what terms would be acceptable. And the answer, of course, is: none.

It is no more legitimate for secessionists to claim title to Quebec than to the Rideau Canal: It doesn't belong to them. Quebec, like every other province, is sovereign territory of the Dominion of Canada, its borders the creation of the Parliament of Canada. The government of Quebec may issue whatever proclamations it likes. The institutions of federal authority remain in place and intact.

"Quebec is a sovereign country," the secession bill declares. And I am Marie of Romania.